COLUMBUS, Ga.-Ed Harbison remembers Jim Crow. Segregated schools, non-visited theaters, the only colorful fountains. The White Supremacist siege of the first Baptist church in Montgomery, Alabama, where Martin Luther King, Jr. was trapped and Harbison. The white people told her mother she could not vote unless she could answer the number of beans in a bottle or how wet the water was.
Harbison is currently a Democratic State Senator in Georgia, and Deep South has radically changed over his 72 years. Sometimes, however, he reflects on how he changed, for example, when the head of government, Stacey Abrams, was a progressive African-American Democrat who did not exercise the right to vote against Brian Kemp, a conservative White State Secretary with multiple voting rights. Harbison derives from the fact that Abrams will be the first black female governor in any of the US states and Kemp's efforts to disproportionately influence the number of voters by disproportionately influencing the number of voters will force the challenge to register voters. "It's a different time, but it looks the same," said Harbison Abrams at Columbus State University.
Georgia is in the epicenter of the national movement for the more stringent voting rules in the Republican controlled states, and the battles that have come to the vote are national about race and power. But Harbison is concerned that Republicans can exempt some black voters, perhaps even by calling too close to the governor race to Kemp, he believes that many more black voters will be releasing themselves, ratifying the status quo of the White Power structure, adjusted. He tells his voters, especially the young, about the blood he spends to secure his right to vote, but many of them do not believe voting matters.
"We need fully-functional voters if we want to change," he says. "Too many people say," Oh, what's the use, that's what it will be. "
Jim Crow no longer governs Georgia, and despite the fact that media regulation has given the impression that Bull Connor has dominated polls, the overwhelming majority of the Georgians who want to vote this fall will be able to do so. The state has extensive online registration, early voting and e-mail voting; the end of the days of counting. Kemp suspended 53,000 Georgian, mainly African-American registrations through an "exact match" system that marks even smaller bugs and missing dashes, but these voters can still vote in polls. with a corresponding ID card – and on Friday a federal judge ordered Kempet to make sure that 3,000 non-citizens are eligible to vote if they prove their nationality. Kemp also took over 10 percent of the names in the Georgian coils from 2016, some of which use a "use or lose" rule that eliminates voters who do not appear in the polls or fail to respond to the mail for seven years. But the Democrats launched the largest electoral defensive operation in state history and have been feared to block hundreds of thousands of voters in the polls, seem to be wildly overworked.
Even Abrams, who constantly condemns Kempet as an architect of repression of voters, "does his best to improve the game," makes it clear that he is even more concerned about self-sufficiency in the atmosphere of fear and confusion. "We lose the elections not because of people can not vote, "he said last week at the Valdosta State College, but because they do not know why should vote."
So far minority participation has been interrupted in mid-term elections, which is both a political problem for Kemp and a talking point against the defense. Georgia, however, is at the forefront of a new national endeavor to create barriers to voting, which is justified by indigenous voter fraud, which exists only in the Republican imagination. One of the first two states sought to adopt stringent voter identification rules in 2006 and was one of the most aggressive of the 24 states aimed at tightening votes in recent years. After the Supreme Court revoked part of the Voting Rights Act in 2013, the federal scrutiny of the election rules for the history of discrimination in the seven southern countries led to a growing number of polling stations and more rigorous documentation requirements before the vote. Kemp has also investigated more activist groups that register minority voters, including the Abrams-based New Georgia Project.
Kemp is not the only Republican state secretary who has presided over his own higher education application. Kris Kobach, chairman of Donald Trump's short-lived voter fraud committee, who did not provide evidence for cheating voters, runs toward Kansas Governor, while Jon Husted, who aggressively abolished the voter list of the state, runs governor lieutenant in Ohio. But the combination of Kemp's narrow competition with a blatant African-American voter activist and the pursuit of litigation and other controversy has made him the symbolic leader of the representative crusade. This week, another federal judge opposed the civil law groups over Kemp preventing county officials from rejecting mailboxes while rejecting vote counts. The report of the Brennan Judicial Center of the University of New York on State Restrictions was as follows: What is the question with Georgia?
Kemp insists there is nothing in Georgia. He dismissed the franchise's anger "ridiculous," "clown," "a story told", aimed at the emergence of the Abrams voters. He says that the overwhelming majority of the canceled registrations were people who moved, died, or never existed; he told me that a voter who did not make the cut called his name "Jesus" and called it "Heaven Street". He said it was ironic that Abrams mistakenly followed him for faulty registrations when "his own group did not know that people were filling out the forms" and emphasized that county officials are running the actual election. A laconic guy who can easily pull, but angry that national reporters parachute in Georgia to alert voters to repression and racial discrimination. He focuses on good control, box conservatism, and the unusually liberal views of his opponent on a southern nationwide candidate on issues such as weapons, taxes and immigration, and state state donors such as Michael Bloomberg and Tom Steyer.
"This species is not black and white," he said after a rural grilling speech in Nahunta. "It's about who will first go to Georgia, billions of socialists from New York and California."
Study studies suggest that the direct impact of the vote reduction on the totality of votes varies modestly, perhaps even here. At the same time as the intervention of foreign governments' choices, the problem does not have to influence the elections. Yes, someone with a state-owned ID needs to be able to vote in Georgia, but it is also true that low-income people are less likely to use a driver's license or other identifier. And one of the things that was clear after abrams and kemp following the bus tours in the country's southern Georgian races, regardless of how many voters meet in the vote, this race is roughly black and white. The overwhelmingly black voters who saw Abrams and almost white voters watching Kempet seem to live in two parallel realities where black Georgians complain of systemic injustice and the other white guerrillas believe that racial relationships are OK. It is no coincidence that Oprah Winfrey and former President Barack Obama were only in Georgia to help Abrams against the base or that Vice President Mike Pence faced Kemp only when Trump came to help on Sunday.
"This is a battle for the soul of our state," Kemp tells the fans.
"We can change Georgia and Life," says Abrams.
He feels that William Faulkner was half the better: the past is never dead, even if it really is past.
Gwendolyn Thompson was in sixth grade when you integrated the elementary school into Thomaston City, too young to understand the hatred that every day they break out. Why were white children called "dark" and worse? Why did you envision the opposite wall when you walked into the corridor like a virulent illness? Thompson continued a good life in the suburban Atlantic, raised three children and handed down disability issues enjoying the diversity of life in the Coca-Cola, CNN and civil rights movement. But he will never forget the chaos of racism and always wonder what his older white colleagues think, but they do not talk about racial issues. When he returned to rural Thomaston a couple of years ago to arrange for the patient's father, he found that the worst harbinger in the school ran (unsuccessfully, turned out to be the judge of the murder). "It was a kick in the gut," Thompson recalls. – He started spitting in my food.
I met Thompson with a crowded Methodist church in her hometown of Georgia's Black Zone shortly before Abrams that they would soon preach the early vote. Thompson Abrams is the glitter of hope for a state where racism surpassed Jim Crow; told him that his son, an electric engineer, who was the first black man in the company, set up a younger and less qualified white man for his boss. He sees the suppression of voters as a logical response of a ruling class in a rapidly changing red state where minorities are already on the right track to become the majority of 2020's.
"They see us in advance and panic," he said. – They want to be on their neck.
In South Georgia, where 60-90 percent of the masses are black, a series of Abrams meetings have been held, supporters of the daily life are repeatedly summoned in education, income and law enforcement. In Albany, one of the early cradles of the civil rights movement, a 41-year-old social worker, Dedrick Thomas, told me the tempting advice that he had recently given his teenage son, "If the cop says" Nigger, a bark like a dog, like a dog, I need you alive. "In a farm in Cuthbert, Randolph County, where local officials have recently attempted to shut down seven-nine polling stations before falling off after a political fire, a 66-year-old retired Sandra Willis said, he waited for a governor all his life, who looked like him and cared for him.
"Many white people still think we have to choose cotton," he said. "They're afraid we've got their pieces for years.
Abrams joked in Cuthbert that he did not look like a typical Georgian politician, "I'm a bit taller." But he takes seriously the new message from Georgia, a government that looks at everyone, promoting the dynamism and tolerance that is already in touch with the Atlantic, extending Medicaid and investing in public affairs for ordinary people across the state. She says that she and her five brothers were grown up and had eaten orange cheese, and how the debt was sustained later that supported the parents of the sick. It tells a story about the first visit of the Governor's Castle to the high school students when a security guard stopped at the gate and told him it was a private event. "I do not remember seeing the governor," he says. – I remember that man told me I did not belong.
Abrams portrays Kempet as the security version of the security guard, using his power to impede the movement of power. "He thinks voters' oppression is the way to victory," he says. "It's not new, but it's true." The question is being used to gather the base and examine whether Georgia will be the old or new southern symbol and encourage the masses to fight back by voting. "Mr. Kemp can count it," he said in Albany. "You know that this is a changing state, and I build a multinational multinational coalition, and it shows that you are not interested in the development of our state." He intends to support those who remind him of himself. "
Rhetoric around electoral law is warming; this is an emotional issue with many historic baggage. Voting fraud is extremely rare – according to the Brennan Center study, only 0.0001 per cent of the votes cast in 2016 resulted in investigations – civil advocates are skeptical that this is a real motivation for bureaucratic compression of entitlement to Republican states. "Jim Crow in a billy club switched James Crow to Esquire with a briefcase," says Richard Rose, head of the Atlanta NAACP. Director of the American State Liberation Association, Andrea Young, is the daughter of legendary activist Andrew Young and feels like he is constantly trying to incorporate a legal barrage built by his father's generation.
"It's just a nonstop attack, and it's really discriminating," he says. "It's so worrying that the system is equipped, and it's not irrational fear."
Abrams has the risk that this kind of speech will discourage his constituents and try to balance his attacks on Kemp to capture the system and assure that the ability to vote is the best revenge: "The suppression of voters is not a mistake This is the system, but we can beat the system. "And:" Forgive them not, do not tell yourself that they do not. "And:" Discrimination works not only by accepting votes, but by accepting the spirit. "He often notes that Kempet was captured on tape and expressed concern that he could lose if the minorities had a large number of voting rights, which would be a banal observation of the Republican Republican participation in Georgia who did not take control of elections as a state secretary.
Blacks are 32 percent of registered voters in Georgia, but in 2014 almost one-third of them were out of the white and Abrams needed them. The mantra of the community of civil rights was that if the vote did not matter there would not be so many programs that would prevent it – and so far, blacks are moving faster than their early 2014 vote. heard a lot of shocking gossip about the rumors that Georgian obsolete electronic voters Kemp resisted with daily updates or additions, turned to D for R. "The machines can do what they want." Claudette Fagan, Thomaston's 75-year-old retired dad. – It's like Jim Crow again.
Such fatalism may be deadly to Democrats; depressed black participation in 2016 helped Florida and the key Rust Belt states from Obama to Trumph. Dexter Sharper, an African-American state affiliate who supported Abrams in Valdosta, says he is tired of the victim's mentality, which blames voters' repression for predictable defeats instead of calling for an upward battle.
"I hear so many excuses:" It's a Republican state, everything is equipped, nothing will change, "Sharper said." Okay, sure, black people have to work harder to move forward. So work harder! "
Carl Fortson does not want to hear how hard blacks have to work, how difficult it is for blacks to vote or how hard blacks are in general. "I'm tired of all this racial mumbo jumbo," said 69-year-old retired civil servant at the Kemp rally in the Carrolls sausage country in Ashburn. I asked him whether the story of the blacks' failure of demons had touched his mind and humiliated him that history was exactly what it was.
– Have you already been a slave? Fortson asked. – No.
In South Georgia, I participated in half a dozen Kemp events, and I never saw more black faces in the crowd, though a number of Indian Americans attended the rally in Kingsland near the Florida border, including a local hotel owner on the stage. One white man I met with the problem of racism was a big problem in Georgia and they all thought that disputes about voting rights were fake news that was intended to help Abrams. "This is not the 1950s," said Colt Ford, a 27-year-old taxidermist disguised at the Kemp event in Nashville, "Media continues racial divisiveness, but everyone is here." Josh Taylor, Chief of Police of Enigma, said the racial tensions were overwhelming and he said he had never seen a black-and-white affair in his tiny town: "It's all smoke and mirrors."
Chuck Lanham, a 77-year-old retired man who wore the "Make America Great Again" at the Kingsland rally, said that Obama almost ravaged racial conditions in the country but in the neighborhood, blacks and whites are still ok : "Do not call me a cracker and I will not call them dark." He complained that Abrams wanted to take some of the outstanding confessional sculptures; he says he's part of the Southern Heritage and he does not believe the blacks are really offending them. "Ten years ago, you have never heard of this," Lanham said. – People just have to complain.
This racial interruption seems just as intense during the vote. Gayle Henningfeld, a 72-year-old retired businessman looking at Kempet in the Cordele Cotton Town – a historic museum where photographs were all white faces – said the fight against oppressive voters. "Give a break: If you can prove who you are, they will vote," he said. "Is not it funny to find the ID to get cigarettes and alcohol?"
– And EBT! "added her friend Beth Slocum.
The supporters of Kemp, whom I met, consistently describe the election ideologically: fighting capitalism against socialism, against the government and against the decision-makers. "We all worked hard and we want to keep it," Fortson said. "Abrams wants to help people who do not work." Lace Futch, an 80-year-old Atkinson County commissioner who wore clothes at Kemp's hearing, spoke in the Trump-loving corner of the state. "The choice between solvency and bankruptcy, between a conservative and a mother".
De Futch admitted that there was a tribal shirt-and-leather element in politics these days and that Abrams did not wear the team's jersey. He said that the blacks who blamed the Georgian power shortage for fleeing should blame demographic and basic mathematics: "Only 25% of the state!" "Of course it is overtaking!"
When I asked Kempet about the whiteness of his base on a Nahunta grid, he said he had rejected my prerequisite and recently mentioned the "Diversity Press Conference" and the "Diversity Call Center Night" that contained no white supporters. He explained that his pro-business message is much better for minorities than the great Abrams message from the government: "if you are really willing to be open and listen". leaked comments to lose the election if they vote in huge numbers were clearly correct. On the trail, Kemp warns fans that democrats are hoping to elect the president's annual turnout at a year-end election and he believes they will do it.
"Motivated," Ashburn said. "We literally fight with the rest of the country and count on you to be smug. It's against us.
Jimmy Lockett got out of jail on Father's Day, ultimately pure after 30 years of addiction. But he did not have the job, no place, and no identifier, which was even more difficult to find a job or place to find. "I felt like a stranger like ET, except at least ET could make a phone call at home," Lockett said at Abrams's Columbus rally. He did not even get a birth certificate, so he could not get a Georgia ID until a nonprofit Spread of the Vote followed, Lockett always thought Louisiana was a native but found out he was born in Tennessee, currently working for IHOP while co-operating with a group called Do not Count Me Out as his former imprisoned counterparts. too, and persuaded a friend to join him. "This is part of my life recovery and return to society," he says.
The dissemination of the vote helped the ID for more than 500 Georgians last year, and State Director Fallon McClure claims Lockett's vote was a priority. The smile was on his face all, "he told me, but he says ID bureaucracy is often absurdly cumbersome, for example, a critical statistical office where applicants can track their records, they need to identify the entrance, he sees these barriers as white privileges, just as Georgia efforts to limit early Sunday polls when black churches lead the vote to voters or take county-level efforts to close public voting stations McClure is a 31-year-old lawyer, but when he goes to court, he always makes a mistake about the defendant, even if he wears a suit and has a briefcase. "I still wear glasses to look better at a lawyer," he says, with a chilling giggle. "Some things do not change."
In its 2013 Resolution on the Suppression of the Act on Voting Rights, John Roberts, the Justice Minister, concluded that the decades of racial development – including the election of an African American president – abolished the necessity of "extraordinary measures" by the federal government in unbiased state elections in states such as Georgia. There is no doubt that Roberts wrote "our country has changed," but the race has always been at the heart of the American story and is clearly divided sharply about how much it has changed. Voting is still a battlefield, not just in Georgia, but also in North Dakota, where voter identification laws requiring street addresses appear to be targeted by native Americans who live without reservation or Kansas where lingerie officials are in majority in Dodge City, Spain, in the out-of-town vote, or in 21 other states where Republican officials have lifted voter fraud by maximizing voter participation. Voting has to assume how Americans can resolve the differences – both sides of the party are civilians protesting protesting protesters, but stumbling across stories about voting restrictions will inevitably reduce the confidence that the vote can make a difference.
The current head of the Republican Party, in a mood, has never refused to overcome racial divisions. Trump's president has received the start of his policy, questioning the citizenship of his black predecessor, and loves white supporters of African-American prominent African warriors, such as LeBron James, Don Lemon, Maxine Waters, NFL players who are protesting against police brutality. even the civil rights hero John Lewis, who was in the first Baptist church in Montgomery during the siege. Trump told Abrams that he was "criminally" and "totally uneducated", a strange criticism of a Yale Law School graduate who was a democratic leader at the State Assembly. And many GOP politicians are shaping themselves politically wrongly; the primary, Kemp introduced an ad that suggests using his own truck in Georgia to find illegal immigrants, which helped secure Trump's approval.
Midwalls help determine if Republicans are paying any price on these envelopes, which will help determine whether envelope printing continues. And in some states, the ballot paper itself will be on the ballot; this year, an unprecedented number of voter referendums are being planned to extend the voting rights and facilitate the eligibility process, including a measure that will restore the right of the elders after the end of their Florida sentence and establish provisions in Nevada, Michigan and Maryland. "He saw a controversy against the multi-year effort to limit democracy," says Wendy Weiser, who runs the Brennan Center's voting program.
In Georgia, voters vote and the turnout has risen by 146 percent in 2014, with more than one third of early voters voting. Democrat voters' hotline has about 300 calls per day, and some long lines lost voters in the first few days – partly because more than 200 polling stations were closed at Kemp's clock – but there were not many new reports of irregularities that signal Kemp's thumb on the scale.
"I do not think they could steal it," he told a 64-year-old Hildredge Bush man named Abrams in the Thomaston Temple. Bush was a veteran of the Navy of Political Science, and he felt that Jim Crow's racist memories kept him from reaching full potential. But now he thinks the forces of progress are on the march. At least he hopes.
"We will overcome repression and defeat politics," he said. "There is really no other way."